On August 15, 2021, Kabul fell to the Taliban, marking a devastating end to a 20-year mission. In the frantic evacuation that followed, tens of thousands of at-risk Afghans were airlifted to safety – but countless interpreters, guards, and local staff who stood loyally beside us were left behind. These local allies had bridged cultural divides, gathered critical intelligence, and often saved lives during the conflict. Today, for their service, many still live in hiding and fear. Despite the Taliban’s promises of “amnesty,” former local staff continue to be targeted and hunted. In one recent incident on June 5, 2025, Taliban gunmen in northern Afghanistan executed a former local guard commander on the spot – a man who had worked with the Swedish military – simply because of his past affiliation.
Such stories confirm a chilling truth: the peril for our allies is not past, and our obligation to them is not fulfilled.
Four years have passed since the fall of Kabul — a day no one should celebrate. It marked the collapse of an international mission and the start of an ongoing fight for survival for thousands of Afghan interpreters, embassy staff, and local workers. Since then, the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Germany, Australia, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Czechia have pledged to bring their former local staff to safety. Some have made progress, but political distractions, incomplete referral lists, restrictive eligibility rules, and slow bureaucratic processes have left many in limbo — often in hiding or facing arrest and deportation in host countries.
This is not unfinished paperwork. These are people who bled for our missions, guided convoys down mine-strewn roads, negotiated safe passage through hostile districts, and kept operations running in the most dangerous conditions. Abandoning them is more than a policy failure — it is a betrayal of trust and a lasting stain on the values each nation claimed to defend.
United States of America: A Massive Operation, A Trust Betrayed
The United States launched one of the largest evacuation and resettlement efforts after the fall of Kabul: Operation Allies Refuge, later overseen by the Office of the Coordinator for Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE). Between August 2021 and early 2025, CARE helped resettle approximately 118,000 Afghan evacuees—including interpreters, embassy staff, and local support personnel. Many entered the U.S. under Special Immigrant Visas (SIV) or humanitarian parole programs.
Yet these achievements have been overshadowed by growing crises. By mid‑2025, more than 500,000 Afghans await SIV case adjudication and/or relocation. A backlog of pending “interview ready” SIV applications—currently estimated at over 40,000—increases daily as applicants are now required to find their own way to a 3rd country for final case processing. The cutbacks and impending closure of the CARE team has effectively shuttered the SIV process, ultimately leaving former interpreters and formerly U.S.-affiliated staff stranded in countries like Qatar, Pakistan, and Albania.
Further disruption followed President Trump’s executive orders dismantling existing refugee and aid programs: flights have been suspended for over 40,000 vetted Afghans, and CARE is being phased out by September 2025. This abrupt policy shift threatens to cut off critical logistical, financial, and legal support for people already in processing pipelines.
The policy rollback has tangible consequences. Advocacy groups report that approved evacuees—some cleared for weeks—are suddenly being denied departure and left without transit funding. Meanwhile, family reunification has stalled, trapping children separated from parents and Afghan partners of American servicemembers.
A last straw for many: in July 2025, ICE agents detained “Zia,” a former Afghan interpreter who legally entered the U.S. under humanitarian parole and had an approved SIV application. He was taken into custody during a routine green‑card biometrics appointment in Connecticut, officially under unspecified “serious criminal allegations.” His detention has sparked broad condemnation from veterans and lawmakers who see it as a breach of America’s moral contract with its allies.
“We have an obligation to look after those who have served us and served our mission and served their own country so very faithfully and often involving a great deal of sacrifice. They put their lives on the line.” — General David Patraeus, No One Left Behind, Board of Senior Advisors
What needs to happen?
To fulfill its obligations to Afghan allies, the United States must first reverse its decision to dismantle the infrastructure that has made evacuation and resettlement possible. The Office of the Coordinator for Afghan Relocation Efforts (CARE) and the Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) processing systems must remain fully operational beyond mid‑2025. Shutting down these critical programs while hundreds of thousands remain in limbo would not only be premature —it would be a betrayal of the promises made to those who risked their lives for the U.S. mission.
The federal government must also increase the cap on SIVs and ensure that pending cases are not quietly cancelled or deprioritized. If the current allocation of visas is exhausted, cases should continue to be processed fully up to the point of issuance, rather than being frozen or discarded. Thousands of applicants have already waited years for processing, often while in danger or in precarious third-country transit. Halting their progress mid-stream would leave them without recourse and place their lives at further risk.
In addition, refugee flight operations must be reinstated without delay. Flights for more than 40,000 approved Afghans have been suspended due to recent executive orders, creating a dangerous bottleneck for individuals who have already undergone extensive vetting. Alongside these operations, the U.S. must restore funding for legal services, relocation logistics, and emergency assistance—so that those granted refuge can actually reach safety.
The government must also protect those who are already here. Humanitarian parolees, like the interpreter recently detained by ICE in Connecticut, must be shielded from unjustified arrest or deportation. Many of these individuals are awaiting green cards or SIV approvals and entered the U.S. legally with the government’s explicit permission. Detaining them undermines national credibility and sends a chilling message to those still abroad who believed America would stand by its word.
Finally, the path forward requires partnership. U.S. agencies should work closely with veterans, advocacy groups, and members of Congress to modernize the emergency relocation framework and improve communication with applicants. Without this collaboration, too many lives will continue to be lost in bureaucratic limbo. The message to Washington is simple: the mission isn’t over—because the people who served that mission are not yet safe.
Canada: A Moral Obligation Unmet
Canada’s mission in Afghanistan was not a token contribution — it was a major combat commitment with responsibilities extending well beyond Kandahar. In 2006, Canada took over full responsibility for Kandahar province from the United States, assuming one of the most dangerous sectors of the war. For several months, before the arrival of UK forces, Canadian troops also operated in parts of neighbouring Helmand province, temporarily filling a gap in British operations.
Canada’s reach also stretched northward in support of the Netherlands-led mission in Uruzgan province. Canadian forces helped secure key supply routes, including sections of the Tarin Kot–Kandahar highway — lifelines for Dutch troops and civilian convoys. These roads were notorious for IED attacks and ambushes, and their security relied heavily on the local interpreters, guides, and logistics staff who could identify threats and navigate complex tribal dynamics. Without these local allies, movement and resupply between Tarin Kot and Kandahar would have been far more dangerous, if not impossible.
Many of these individuals were thought to be directly by Canada, but many worked under U.S. contracts that supported Canadian missions. When the Special Immigration Measures (SIM) program was created after Kabul’s fall in August 2021, those employed through U.S. contracts were often missing from the Department of National Defence (DND) and Global Affairs Canada (GAC) referral lists. This contractual gap left hundreds of proven allies outside the official system from the outset.
Timing compounded the problem. The crisis erupted in the middle of a federal election, slowing decision-making at the very moment speed was most critical. Instead of maintaining an all-hands emergency posture, Canada quickly downgraded to normal bureaucratic processing — even as thousands of applicants were stranded in danger. This slow pace became catastrophic for Afghans who had fled to Pakistan. By late 2023, Pakistan had launched a large-scale crackdown on undocumented Afghans, with mass arrests, detentions, and deportations to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. For those stuck in Pakistan waiting on Canadian paperwork, every delay increased the risk of being sent back into harm’s way.
While Canada has resettled over 50,000 Afghans across all programs — a figure frequently cited as proof of success — these numbers mask a hard truth: many who directly served Canada were never invited to apply. Veteran-led groups like Aman Lara have identified 655 principal applicants — representing over 3,000 people, including family members — with verified service to Canada who remain excluded from the SIM program. These are not disputed cases; they are former Canadian allies, some in hiding, some on the run, all living under direct threat.
Parliament has acknowledged these failures. The Standing Committee on Afghanistan’s first report documented incomplete referral lists, contract confusion, slow processing, and poor interdepartmental coordination during the evacuation’s most urgent phase (House of Commons, 2023, pp. 36–37). These findings match what veterans and NGOs have been saying for fours years now: yet Canada made promises it still has not kept.
“As a soldier who moved around the dusty roads of Kandahar, along the dangerous lifeline into Uruzgan, and into Helmand and Spin Boldak, I served alongside former interpreters and local staff who stood with us every single day. They faced the same risks we did—many were injured, and some perished on the battlefield. I know firsthand the danger they braved to keep us alive. Leaving them behind is not just a policy failure — it is a betrayal of the trust that brought many of us home alive” — Jon Feltham, Executive Director, Aman Lara.
What needs to happen?
Canadian advocates are calling for a Pathway to Protection — a new referral stream allowing trusted organisations like Aman Lara to directly refer at-risk former staff for resettlement, regardless of whether they were employed under Canadian or U.S. contracts. Canada must urgently:
- Re-open SIM or create a new dedicated pathway for those left off referral lists.
- Issue travel documents and coordinate with Pakistan to prevent deportations.
- Return to an emergency-response tempo, not routine processing.
Bringing these 655 families to safety is not just a moral obligation to those who stood with Canada in war, it is essential to preserving Canada’s credibility and values on the world stage.
United Kingdom: Promises and Backlogs
Britain’s relationship with Afghan local staff – especially interpreters who served alongside UK forces in Helmand and beyond – has been marked by both bold commitments and painful shortcomings.
The UK launched the Afghan Relocations and Assistance Policy (ARAP) in 2021, pledging to relocate those who worked for the British military, and later the Afghan Citizens Resettlement Scheme (ACRS) for others at risk. To date, the UK has brought over 35,000 Afghans to safety under these programs – a significant number, and second only to the United States. However, the need far exceeded the initial plans. As of mid-2025, official figures revealed some 56,100 people (including family members) were either already relocated or in the pipeline across various UK schemes. This suggests that tens of thousands are still in limbo, many stuck in third countries like Pakistan, waiting for the British bureaucracy to catch up with their life-and-death situation. Last week, some families were suddenly issued with a notice to leave the accommodation in Pakistan provided by the British High Commission and return to Afghanistan within 14 days, because the UK Home Office refused them a visa, despite the applicants being accepted by the Ministry of Defence for resettlement. One day before the 4th anniversary of the 2021 Taliban take-over of Kabul, several Afghans waiting in Islamabad for relocation to the UK have been arrested and detained by the Pakistan police for deportation.
Applications for relocation of additional family members at severe risk or with significant care needs are also plagued by a considerable administrative backlog. As of 12 February 2025, there were 1,062 outstanding Additional Family Member (AFM) applications from individuals who have already been resettled under the current and previous Afghan resettlement schemes administered by the Ministry of Defence (MOD). Of these, 502 had been pending for more than six months.
The urgency of Britain’s unfinished task was underscored by a troubling incident: in 2022, a data breach at the Ministry of Defence accidentally exposed the personal details of 18,800 Afghan ARAP applicants, and some of their family members, – essentially creating a Taliban “kill list” of those who aided the UK. In response, the UK government undertook a covert initiative (“Operation Rubicon”) to secretly expedite the evacuation of the most endangered applicants. Through a special arrangement, roughly 900 principal applicants (and 3,600 family members) from that breach list were whisked to Britain in a discreet program. While this effort saved many lives, it also highlights the larger reality: many others remain behind, out of the spotlight. The revelation about the Afghan data breach came hot on the heels of the sudden closure of both UK’s official Afghan relocation programs, ARAP and ACRS. NGOs and volunteers continue to assist these families day-to-day, but government action is needed to truly resolve the backlog.
“The data breach has left many Afghan interpreters in the UK worried about their family members still in Afghanistan. They have no one to turn to with their concerns as the Ministry of Defence has not been prepared to set up a contact point for affected Afghans.
The UK Government suddenly closed both formal relocation routes, ARAP and ACRS, even though the UK Government ‘s own assessment admits to “a risk that closure of ARAP will displace applications from the MOD to the Home Office, either in the form of asylum claims, considerations for leave outside the rules, or other applications on family and human rights grounds [and] a risk that eligible individuals will remain at risk, or will seek to use irregular routes, including small boats.”
Finally, we were extremely surprised to learn that Afghan interpreters whose employment record with the Ministry of Defence gained them approval for relocation to the UK, are suddenly blocked by the Home Office on national security grounds. It is hard to understand how interpreters who were considered security assets for the British Army, would be a security liability for UK society. It is not the first time that the Ministry of Defence and Home Office decisions are at odds with each other. In previous similar cases we are aware of, the Home Office’s assessment eventually turned out to be erroneous. These court cases vindicated Afghan interpreters and the Ministry of Defence’s approval of their case, but this could not erase the fact that the Home Office caused much hardship and anxiety in the meantime. It’s disappointing that years after the Defence Select Committee already pointed out this odd misalignment between the Ministry of Defence and Home Office, no lessons seem to have been learned.”
— Prof. Sara de Jong, Co-founder and chair Sulha Alliance
What needs to happen?
British officials have acknowledged that “when this nation makes a promise, we should keep it.” That promise must be honored by accelerating the relocation of all ARAP eligible Afghans, including eligible Additional Family Members, some of whom are now likely at further risk as a result of the data breach. Critically, Britain must also improve transparency and communication with those affected by the data breach and applicants – no one should talk into the abyss and wonder whether their plea for safety has been lost in a bureaucratic black hole.
The Government should fulfill its own promise on the ACRS website that “After the first stage of Pathway 3, the government will work with international partners and NGOs to welcome wider groups of Afghans at risk” by re-opening the scheme and reach its initially announced target of 20,000 resettlements. On this anniversary, UK veterans and citizens are urging Westminster: finish the mission by getting every last ally to sanctuary in the UK, and demonstrate that “no one left behind” is more than just a promise.
Germany: A Race Against Time Halted by Politics
Germany contributed the second-largest NATO contingent in Afghanistan and, naturally, relied on local employees as interpreters, office staff, drivers, and security and cleaning personnel. In the chaotic August 2021 airlift, Germany evacuated around 4,000 Afghans on emergency visas, and by late 2022 had helped nearly 26,000 at-risk Afghans reach safety through ad-hoc efforts. In total, as of mid-2025, Germany reports having admitted about 36,500 Afghans who were vulnerable or affiliated (including former local staff and their families) via various pathways – one of the highest numbers in Europe. Despite this, tens of thousands remain. Advocacy groups estimate that, if local staff employed before 2011 and those employed through Afghan subcontractors are included, up to 20,000 former local staff of the German military and projects are still in Afghanistan, not yet approved for relocation. When you include their spouses and children, roughly 100,000 people whom Germany has responsibility for are still left behind in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan.
Germany initially won praise for establishing a Humanitarian Admission Program in October 2022 to systematically continue evacuations — aiming to bring 1,000 at-risk Afghans per month, including human rights defenders, women leaders, and queer individuals. However, local staff who had worked directly with German forces or institutions were not included in this federal program; instead, they remained under a separate “local staff procedure” that applied exclusively to them, limiting their access to the broader protections and quotas of the new scheme. However, that program has faltered. Fewer than 1,600 people arrived in two years due to security vetting delays and limited flights. Then, in 2024-2025, a shift in Germany’s political winds brought things to a near standstill. Amid a growing social climate against all migration and a new coalition government, German authorities suspended the Afghan admission program in the spring of 2025. This abrupt pause left about 2,400 Afghans who had already been approved stranded in Pakistan – their bags packed, resettlement approvals in hand, but without visas and without flights. Another 17,000 people in earlier stages of the process have now been cast into uncertainty by the program’s “dormant” status. German officials signalled an intention to halt humanitarian migration programs for Afghans indefinitely, citing “integration capacity” concerns – a decision that human rights observers have slammed as a betrayal. Clara Bünger, a German MP, called the suspension of visas for Afghans “irresponsible,” noting that claims of program abuse were unfounded and that the real issue was the program started too late and moved too slowly.
German Foreign Minister Wadephul has agreed to accept Afghans waiting in Pakistan into Germany, provided they have a legally binding admission promise from the former federal government. However, he has bad news for everyone else: it is not possible to turn back the clock and change obvious mistakes made by previous federal governments. The programs will be terminated. No new recognitions will be granted, Wadephul explained.
“We have an obligation to look after those who have served us and served our mission and served their own country so very faithfully and often involving a great deal of sacrifice. They put their lives on the line.” — Marcus Grotian, Chairman Patenschaftsnetzwerk Afghanische Ortskräfte e.V.
What needs to happen?
Germany’s government must reconcile political pressures with its moral duty and prior promises. Advocates are urging Berlin to immediately resume the suspended evacuation flights and honor the approvals already given – there are 2,400 lives on pause who need transport, housing, and integration without further delay. Furthermore, Germany should uphold its commitment to those 17,000 in the pipeline by finding a solution rather than quietly canceling their hopes. This could include extending the admission program and expediting security checks. German veterans and volunteer groups (such as the Patenschaftsnetzwerk Afghanische Ortskräfte and others) stand ready to assist if the government provides the green light. Four years on, Germany’s international credibility – and the fate of thousands who served it – depends on whether it will finish what it started and not leave its local allies and other particularly vulnerable individuals to an awful fate.
Australia: “No One Left Behind” – A Principle in Question
Australia’s involvement in Afghanistan, while smaller in troop numbers, was significant and deadly – and so was the reliance on local help. Afghan interpreters and contractors supported Australian Defence Force (ADF) operations in Uruzgan province and beyond, often at great personal risk. When Kabul fell, Australia mounted a last-ditch airlift (Operation Augury): over 4,160 people were evacuated by the ADF in 9 days in August 2021, including Australian citizens, embassy staff, and nearly 3,000 Afghan visa holders. This heroic effort saved many lives. But a Senate inquiry later found that hundreds of eligible helpers never made it onto those flights, due to delayed decisions and restrictive criteria. About 425 Afghan employees had applied or been approved under Australia’s special visa program but were still on the ground when the evacuation ended. In the months that followed, some of these individuals were hunted by the Taliban; at least several were reportedly injured or killed for their association with Australia. “It is dishonourable,” the Senate committee concluded, “to ask Afghan nationals to stand in harm’s way with Australian personnel and then leave them standing in harm’s way”.
Retired Australian Army Major Stuart McCarthy—who served in Afghanistan—captured the frustration and moral injury felt by many veterans:
Faced with public pressure, Australia’s government announced an additional 15,000 humanitarian visas for Afghan refugees in 2021-2022, later increasing the allocation to 26,500 visas dedicated to Afghans through 2026. These included spots for the Locally Engaged Employee (LEE) visa program, which had been running since 2013 to resettle interpreters and their families. Despite these promises, the reality for many Afghan partners has been a grinding wait. Demand far outstripped supply: by late 2024, over 250,000 Afghans had applied to Australia’s refugee and humanitarian visa programs, but only about 20,000 applications had been granted so far. Among those waiting are dozens of former ADF interpreters and their families who are still in hiding. Australia continued to process LEE visas for a time – in fact, some 1,300+ LEE visas were issued after the evacuation, quietly bringing many ex-interpreters to safety. Yet in 2023, the government decided to close the LEE program to new applicants, ending the intake as of November 30, 2023. The backlog of existing cases remained in work into 2024, but as of May 31, 2024, the dedicated program formally wound down. This impending closure sparked desperate appeals from those still unapproved: “Save our lives,” Afghan interpreters pleaded, urging faster visa processing before the door shut. In response, the Department of Home Affairs indicated it would continue processing all applications received by the deadline and not abandon those in the queued. Even so, the end of a bespoke program has raised worries that Afghan allies may now be lost in Australia’s broader refugee system, where wait times are measured in years.
What needs to happen?
Australian veterans groups and human rights organisations are calling on Canberra to recommit to “no one left behind.” Practically, this means ensuring every remaining certified LEE applicant is either approved or given a viable alternative pathway immediately. The government should consider allocating additional visa spots if the 26,500 quota is insufficient, and expedite the processing of the 250,000+ backlog with special priority to those facing direct Taliban danger. Advocacy groups have suggested measures like expanding family reunion waivers, emergency visas for those in hiding, and working closely with allies (for example, facilitating transfers of Afghan allies to countries like Canada or the UK if they have ties there). Australia has a proud military ethos of loyalty; now is the time to extend that loyalty to the Afghan interpreters who kept Australian soldiers safe. Every delay could be deadly. On this solemn anniversary, the message to Australia’s government is clear: do more, do it faster, and finish the job of protecting our mates.
Sweden: A Small Number, A Big Responsibility
Sweden’s military and diplomatic footprint in Afghanistan was relatively modest, but it too depended on local staff – interpreters, guards, and office personnel who made the Swedish mission possible. Sweden initially took commendable action to protect its Afghan colleagues. In 2014, after drawing down troops, Sweden resettled 23 families (21 interpreters and 2 guards, plus their families) to safety. During the fall of Kabul in 2021, Sweden enacted a temporary mandate to evacuate local staff, resulting in 56 additional Afghan families being rescued to Sweden. In early 2022, Swedish authorities arranged safe passage for another 10 families out of Afghanistan via Pakistan, in coordination with the International Organisation for Migration. These efforts were creative and life-saving – including measures like allowing travel without formal passports. However, after 2022, Sweden’s special initiative halted, even as it left behind a known list of former employees. At least four approved staff were unable to reach the extraction point in time in 2021, and thus missed their chance. One of them, a widowed female security guard, managed to escape covertly in 2024 with private assistance and has now rebuilt her life in Sweden. But approximately 50 former locally employed staff of Sweden remain stranded in Afghanistan, waiting for a solution. These 50 men and women – who once worked for the Swedish military or embassy – have been living in fear for four years, checking the news for any hint that Sweden remembers them. They are not nameless: Swedish veteran Björn Blanck, who served alongside many of them, keeps a list of fifty names. “Fifty individuals who served Sweden and NATO, but were forgotten,” he says – and he notes painfully that 50 is a relatively small number for a nation to accommodate, yet an enormous number if you are one of those left behind.
Even Swedish officials have acknowledged the moral failure. Torkel Stiernlöf, Sweden’s former Ambassador to Afghanistan, said that during the 2021 evacuations, pulling out Swedish personnel while leaving behind our Afghan colleagues felt “deceitful”. Today, Sweden is alone among major contributors in having no active program to bring out remaining Afghan staff. Parliamentary debates have been held on the issue, and there are signs of political willingness to reconsider. But action has lagged. With Sweden now joining NATO, advocates argue that it’s more important than ever to demonstrate solidarity and credibility by rescuing those who kept Swedish interests safe.
The cost and logistical effort would be minimal compared to larger operations by other countries – as swedish veteran Björn Blanck points out, “50 lives neglected is a lot, but 50 is also manageable”. In other words, Sweden has no excuse for leaving this job unfinished.
What needs to happen?
Swedish civil society and international partners are urging the government to immediately restart a targeted relocation effort for its remaining local staff. This could be as simple as reissuing the 2021 mandate and instructing the Swedish Migration Agency to process these 50 cases on an emergency basis. The groundwork is largely already done – these individuals have been identified and vetted by Swedish authorities. Sweden successfully negotiated with Pakistan in 2022 for safe passage; that channel could be used again.
Groups like LSI (which unites experts from Canada, Germany, the UK, etc.) have offered to share their experience and assist Sweden in executing this mission. The Swedish government simply needs to muster the political will to say, “Yes, we will finish this”. Completing the relocation of those final 50 former staff (and their immediate families) would not only save lives but also allow Sweden to stand tall as “an international beacon of justice and responsibility” in the NATO alliance. On this anniversary, the message to Stockholm is as straightforward as the task: do right by your own, and do it now.
Netherlands: A Patchwork of Compassion and Delay
The Netherlands played a modest yet meaningful role in Afghanistan, deploying troops primarily to Uruzgan province between 2006 and 2010 as part of the NATO-led mission. Dutch forces relied heavily on local interpreters and staff during these years – relationships forged in trust, often in high-risk environments. In the chaotic days following the fall of Kabul in August 2021, the Dutch government launched an emergency evacuation mission. Roughly 1,860 people were evacuated during this initial phase, including Afghan interpreters, embassy staff, and civil society partners directly linked to Dutch operations.
Four years later, advocacy continues in the Netherlands to bring specific groups of Afghans who worked for the Dutch government to the Netherlands. These include defence and embassy guards, as well as personnel who worked for the EUPOL police mission. Advocacy efforts — through lobbying, political pressure, and publicity- produced partial success in 2024, when the then outgoing Cabinet agreed at the last minute to admit a (limited) number of guards employed by the Dutch embassy and the Ministry of Defence. An independent commission of inquiry has since issued a critical report, noting that Dutch policy in 2021 had been too restrictive. Ultimately, 4,606 individuals were relocated, including Dutch nationals, with 64 still eligible for transfer. EUPOL personnel, however, were excluded. This decision contradicted firm agreements made in the European Council that all EUPOL personnel would be evacuated. While the Netherlands admitted 75 families, the government argued this was sufficient, leaving others stranded. Lobbying and publicity pressure have, unfortunately, not yielded any results for them. Initiatives to get other countries to take responsibility have also been unsuccessful.
With the arrival of a new right-wing government in September 2024, the previous commitment to transfer embassy and defence guards was abruptly reversed. Officials argued that, because the guards had been employed through contractors, the Dutch state bore no obligation toward them. They further claimed the guards were not in danger and that no formal promises had been made. This reversal was especially striking because three of the governing parties had earlier supported their admission—illustrating how political shifts, rather than principle, determined the outcome.
“It is a disgrace that the Dutch government is not taking responsibility for the people who worked for them and that they were not immediately brought to safety in the summer of 2021 by evacuating them. ‘No men left behind’ appears to be worthless to the current (now outgoing) Cabinet. It is deeply sad that we have to take legal action (again) to bring people – who are still in great danger- to the Netherlands. The government’s responsibility as an employer should be paramount, regardless of the political colour of the government. In any case, we will continue the fight. For the Afghans, but also for all Dutch citizens who will be deployed on missions in the future. After all, their deployment will also become much less safe if local staff can no longer count on ‘our support’” – Anne Marie Snels, Former President of the Trade Union for Defence Personnel AFMP
What needs to happen?
Legal action is now pending. A group of embassy guards, represented pro bono by a major law firm and supported by trade unions, will soon take the State to court. The case asserts that:
- the Dutch government does indeed have an employer’s responsibility for the safety of the embassy guards.
- the embassy guards have demonstrably been in danger, a number of them have been threatened, arrested, mistreated and their homes have been searched.
- evacuation of the embassy guards has been discussed on several occasions.
The outcome of this lawsuit will be critical. We will continue the fight, both through legal action and political advocacy, with upcoming elections offering hope for new perspectives.
Czechia: A Small Mission, Big Oversights
For nearly two decades, the Czech Armed Forces maintained an unbroken presence in Afghanistan — the country’s longest and most diverse overseas operation. More than 11,500 service members rotated through over forty contingents, serving in roles that ranged from field hospitals and air-traffic control at Kabul International, to special forces raids in Kandahar and Helmand, provincial reconstruction in Logar and Wardak, helicopter airlift, and base security in Bagram. Fourteen Czech soldiers lost their lives in the Afghan theatre.
When the Taliban seized control in August 2021, Czech authorities launched an emergency evacuation mission. Over three flights between August 14 and 17, a total of 195 individuals were evacuated — including approximately 170 Afghan nationals who had supported Czech efforts. The Czech Air Force and KAMBA Military Police executed the operation with precision and were prepared for a fourth and even fifth rotation, but further flights were blocked — partly over security concerns, but primarily due to political hesitation.
This came after years of missed opportunities. The Ministry of the Interior had halted the interpreter resettlement scheme in 2018, and by spring 2021, while other nations were already extracting local staff, the issue was absent from Prague’s agenda. A public campaign, “Save the Interpreters,” launched in June 2021, called for urgent action. In July, the cabinet offered Afghan families USD $10,000 each to remain — an offer every family refused, knowing “what use is money if the Taliban kills me?” Only in August, under massive public pressure, did the government concede a moral duty — by then, Kabul was on the brink of collapse.
According to Czech Poppies, at least four interpreters were omitted from official evacuation lists and forced into hiding near the airport. One was kidnapped by the Taliban and later freed by relatives before catching the final flight. In a rare and extraordinary move, the commander of the Czech Military Police’s KAMBA unit personally ventured into Kabul streets to collect additional at-risk collaborators — though these were officially cleared evacuees, not new vetted cases.
Overall, eleven interpreters, two other enablers, and two embassy staff remain stranded. They move between safe houses in Afghanistan, while a few who reached Pakistan or Iran have received no response from Czech embassies. The Ministries of Defence, Interior, and Foreign Affairs have had their names since 2021 and have not acted on supporting them.
“Six months after Kabul fell, the Czech Republic welcomed half a million Ukrainian refugees. Surely we can extend the same chance to fifteen Afghan families — especially when our Afghan community is small and well integrated.” — Miroslava Pašková, president of the Czech Poppies Organisation.
What needs to happen?
The Czech government should issue a ministerial instruction enabling humanitarian visas for remaining Afghan collaborators, allowing them to travel at their own expense to Prague and then claim asylum. The affected group is small, the Afghan community is already well integrated, and the moral obligation is undeniable. Immediate action is both feasible and imperative.
Additional Allied Nations
Beyond the major contributors, several other nations with smaller or more specialized roles in Afghanistan are also facing criticism for failing to uphold their obligations to former local staff.
Denmark: Allies Left Out by Contract Technicalities
Denmark, for instance, has faced criticism for excluding many interpreters and contractors from its evacuation and resettlement programs on the grounds that they worked under British command or through third-party contractors, rather than being directly employed by the Danish Armed Forces. These technicalities — though bureaucratic in nature, have had life-threatening consequences, as many of these individuals were in fact serving Denmark’s mission in Helmand province and now remain in hiding.
A Shared Problem Across Allies
Denmark’s narrow eligibility rules are part of a broader pattern seen across the coalition. In Canada, over 650 principal applicants (and their families) who supported Canadian operations — often under U.S.-funded contracts, —have been denied access to resettlement under the Special Immigration Measures (SIM) program, simply because they were not officially hired by the Canadian government.
Similarly, in Australia, interpreters who served in Uruzgan province under joint operations with coalition forces were denied relocation because they were not considered “direct hires” under Australia’s Locally Engaged Employee (LEE) criteria.
These narrow definitions fail to reflect the operational realities on the ground, where coalition efforts were deeply intertwined and Afghan staff often served multiple countries simultaneously. The result is a heartbreaking irony: Afghans who risked their lives for one nation are being turned away because their paychecks were signed by an adjacent NATO partner.
Other European Examples
Elsewhere in Europe, France has faced criticism for leaving behind interpreters who supported its forces in Kapisa province, prioritizing civil society figures and NGO workers instead. Italy has been accused of creating a bureaucratic maze that stranded many qualified Afghans in Pakistan. Norway and Finland, despite early evacuation efforts, have largely closed the door to further relocation, leaving civil society and veterans to fill the gaps.
In each case, the pattern is disturbingly familiar: a promising start, a narrowing of eligibility, and a quiet silence as the world moved on. These failures are not isolated — they are systemic. Afghan allies did not serve a payroll; they served a mission, one shared across flags. And when those allies are abandoned, the damage does not end with them.
Across the veteran community worldwide, there is deep moral injury — a wound to conscience and trust. Many who served alongside Afghan interpreters and local staff now watch their comrades be hunted, knowing promises made in the field are being broken in their own capitals. It erodes faith in governments, in military leadership, and in the very commitments that bind coalitions together.
Conclusion: No Afghan Ally Left Behind
Four years on, the mission isn’t over. Across the United States, Canada, the UK, Germany, Australia, Sweden – and indeed all nations that had a presence in Afghanistan – brave men and women who aided our missions remain in danger because of that service.
If those who risked their lives for us can be left behind, veterans ask: What do our promises really mean? Our promises to them, whether explicit or implied, constitute a sacred trust. As one coalition of advocates declared: “We have a moral obligation – not just to remember our allies, but to finish the job.” That means acting now, not someday.
So what does action look like, four years on?
It means ….
reopening pathways and removing barriers: extending or creating special visa programs until every last eligible local staffer is safely resettled.
funding and supporting evacuation logistics: charter flights, overland extractions, housing in transit countries – so that those who get visas can actually escape.
working with allies: if one country faces hurdles, others should step up in a coordinated international effort, sharing resources and best practices to rescue these people (as Local Staff International and its partners have modeled).
providing for the families who are here: integration services, language training, and mental health support for those who have endured so much trauma and loss.
“No ally left behind” also means accountability. Each anniversary of the Kabul collapse is a somber reminder of lives lost and promises broken —but it is also a chance to recommit. Every day, former interpreters receive ominous threats, or worse. We cannot afford another year of inaction or half-measures.
On this anniversary, let us replace words with deeds. Let us tell our Afghan allies—and the veterans who served beside them—that we have not forgotten. And let us prove it by continuing to secure their passage to safety and freedom.